African Americans in World War I

African Americans in World War I Fifty years after the end of the Civil War, the nation’s 9.8 million African Americans held a tenuous place in society. Ninety percent of African Americans lived in the South, most trapped in low-wage occupations, their daily lives shaped by restrictive â€Å"Jim Crow† laws and threats of violence. But the start of World War I in the summer of 1914 opened up new opportunities and changed American life and culture forever. â€Å"Recognizing the the significance of World War I is essential to developing a full understanding of modern African-American history and the struggle for black freedom,† argues Chad Williams, Associate Professor of African Studies at Brandeis University.      The Great Migration While the United States wouldn’t enter the conflict until 1917, the war in Europe stimulated the U.S. economy almost from the start, setting off a 44-month long period of growth, particularly in manufacturing. At the same time, immigration from Europe fell sharply, reducing the white labor pool. Combined with a boll weevil infestation that devoured millions of dollars worth of cotton crops in 1915 and other factors, thousands of African Americans across the South decided to head North. This was the start of the â€Å"Great Migration,† of more than 7 million African-Americans over the next half-century. During the World War I period, an estimated 500,000 African Americans moved out of the South, most of them heading for the cities. Between 1910-1920, the African American population of New York City grew 66%; Chicago, 148%; Philadelphia, 500%; and Detroit, 611%. As in the South, they faced discrimination and segregation in both jobs and housing in their new homes. Women, in particular, were largely relegated to the same work as domestics and childcare workers as they had at home. In some cases, tension between whites and the newcomers turned violent, as in the deadly East St Louis riots of 1917. Close Ranks African American public opinion on America’s role in the war mirrored that of white Americans: first they didn’t want to get involved in a European conflict, the quickly changing course in late 1916. When President Woodrow Wilson stood before Congress to ask for a formal declaration of war on April 2, 1917, his assertion that the world â€Å"must be made safe for democracy† resonated with African American communities as an opportunity to fight for their civil rights within the U.S. as part of a broader crusade to secure democracy for Europe. â€Å"Let us have a real democracy for the United States,† said an editorial in the Baltimore Afro-American, â€Å"and then we can advise a house-cleaning on the other side of the water.†    Some African American newspapers held that blacks shouldn’t participate in the war effort because of rampant American inequality. On the other end of the spectrum, W.E.B. DuBois wrote a powerful editorial for the NAACP’s paper, The Crisis. â€Å"Let us not hesitate. Let us, while this war lasts, forget our special grievances and close our ranks shoulder to shoulder with our own white fellow citizens and the allied nations that are fighting for democracy.†    Over There Most young African American men were ready and willing to prove their patriotism and their mettle. Over 1 million registered for the draft, of which 370,000 were selected for service, and more than 200,000 were shipped off to Europe. From the beginning, there were disparities in how African American servicemen were treated. They were drafted at a higher percentage. In 1917, local draft boards inducted 52% of black candidates and 32% of white candidates. Despite a push by African American leaders for integrated units, black troops remained segregated, and the vast majority of these new soldiers were used for support and labor, rather than combat. While many young soldiers were probably disappointed to spend the war as truck drivers, stevedores, and laborers, their work was vital to the American effort. The War Department did agree to train 1,200 black officers at a special camp in Des Moines, Iowa and a total of 1,350 African American officers were commissioned during the War. In the face of public pressure, the Army created two all-black combat units, the 92nd and 93rd Divisions. The 92nd Division became mired in a racial politics and other white divisions spread rumors that damaged its reputation and limited its opportunities to fight. The 93rd, however, was put under French control and didn’t suffer the same indignities. They performed well on the battlefields, with the 369th- dubbed the â€Å"Harlem Hellfighters†- winning praise for their fierce resistance to the enemy.    African American troops fought at Champagne-Marne, Meuse-Argonne, Belleau Woods, Chateau-Thierry, and other major operations. The 92nd and 93rd sustained over 5,000 casualties, including 1,000 soldiers killed in action. The 93rd included two Medal of Honor recipients, 75 Distinguished Service crosses, and 527 French â€Å"Croix du Guerre† medals. Red Summer If African American soldiers expected white gratitude for their service, they were quickly disappointed. Combined with labor unrest and paranoia over Russian-style â€Å"Bolshevism,† the fear that black soldiers had been â€Å"radicalized† overseas contributed to the bloody â€Å"Red Summer† of 1919. Deadly race riots broke out in 26 cities across the country, killing hundred. At least 88 black men were lynched in 1919- 11 of them newly-returned soldiers., some still in uniform. But World War I also inspired fresh resolve among African Americans to keeping working towards a racially-inclusive America that truly lived up to its claim to be the light of Democracy in the modern world. A new generation of leaders was born from the ideas and principles of their urban peers and exposure to France’s more equal view of race, and their work would help lay the groundwork for the Civil Rights movement later in the 20th Century.

buy custom Letter of Advice on Constitutional Law essay

buy custom Letter of Advice on Constitutional Law essay I hope you are doing well. Before, we begin our discussion I will shed some light on the constitutional law. Constitutional Law is the body of law defining the relationship of different entities within a state. This includes the cabinet, legislature and the judiciary. The Stop the Bill (2012) put up by the Federal Opposition provides in section 5 that: if any marine vessel with persons aboard who do not possess valid documentation for lawful entry into Australia, approaches Australian territorial waters with the intent to enter Australian territory, or enters Australian territory, that vessel shall be forcibly removed from Australian waters by Australian military vessels, or other military equipment which may be deemed necessary. This is bill majorly tries to stop any entry to the country irrespective of the reasons behind the need for entry. It is important to analyze this bill as it goes to the House of Representatives and the senates given that there have been disastrous cases as a result of in-admission and consequently drowning which has been comprehensively covered in this letter. It has further covered aspects of refugee seeking asylum in Australia which are related to the bill. Discussion According to Douglas (2009, p.142), Australia has a yearly quota of some 13,700-refugee admissions, which, in proportion to its population, is one of the highest in the world. Just like in all other countries, entry into the country is granted on basis of having valid documentation which includes visas or Electronic Travel Authorization. The policy of the Australian Government is that, despite this distinction in law, asylum seekers who arrive in excised offshore places, namely asylum seekers who arrive by boat will also be subject to mandatory detention (Linda, 2011, p.1) However, looking at a case of August 2002, a boat with 400 refugees on board sunk after allegedly being denied entry to Australia by the government reulting to the death of 353 of the refugees after they drowned (Catherine, 2005, p.26). These were people seeking their democratic right to seek refuge in Australia (Bede, 2009, p.1). Taking up responsibilities for such catastrophes is imaginable and everyone will try to clear themselves without considering that human rights have been infringed with loses of lives. According to Stanley (2010, p.12), powerful circumstantial evidence strongly suggests that the drowning were the direct result of deliberate political decisions taken by the government. In 2010 a total of 82 boats were identified transporting an average of 47 illegal immigrants (UNHCR, 2010, p.1). The total estimates a total of 3,934 people. With the cost of illegal movement to Australia estimated at between US$5,000 and $10 000 per person, these, by the standards of the region were the super affluent who could afford the expense and the queue jumping that it provided (Douglas, 2009, p.42). It could be because of such reasons that the opposition is putting forward this bill. It is evident that both the cases of illegal movement to Australia by boats are not acceptable. However, proper analysis will indicate that at times it is necessary to grant asylum as shown by the case of the drowned refugees (United Nations, 2009, p.2). With the fundamental International human rights currently in place, it is most likely that the court would give a ruling against the bill considering the implications and relations with the international states (UNHCR, 2001, p.1). This means that the bill could be challenged in a court of law citing disasters that may result in cases of denied entry. Talking of section 5(b) of the bill, should there be a person who directly tries to offer assistance to any person on board a vessel which would be subject to section 5(1), then this will change the case from refugees seeking asylum to smugglers trying to enter Australia illegally (Global Detention, 2011, p.2). It is therefore important to put clearly establish the reasons ffor those on board and seeking entry. It should be noted that in cases of refugees seeking asylum, the claims must be verified as is usual and proper protocols in offering asylum followed. Referring to initial cases of refugees seeking asylum, according to Schneider a nd Daley (2011, p.1), the court in August 2011 ruled against the governments decision to send the refugees who had arrived to Malaysia signifying its illegality. Conclusion After the analysis given, it is important to state that the bill is unconstitutional according to the Australian laws and also considering the International treaties regarding refugees. Australian constitution provides for Refugees protection and rights as outlined by Stanley and should the bill get through, it will be possible to successfully challenge it before a court of law. However, it is important to outline that section 5(2) of the bill suggests smuggling as it involves a second party who is involved in helping out. The two sections of the bill are distinct therefore, section 51(xxix) does not support section 5 in a case of refugees seeking asylum but may be admissible in a case of an individual trying to smuggle a person(s) which would then be illegal and pose a threat to all Australians, United Nations. The cases of smuggling have been rampant with smugglers trying to use all loopholes available not only via the sea but via land and air as well. Therefore, in order not to co mpromise the security of Australians nor put the lives of refugees at stake, it will be important to put clear the reasons as to why people would want to gain access to the country. This means that it will be important to will be wise to have the bill amended before being passed to the House of Representatives and the senate for adoption if it is to successfully go through the House of Representatives and the senate without opposition. I strongly believe that the facts highlighted in this case will be of great help to you. Buy custom Letter of Advice on Constitutional Law essay

Chinese History Assignment Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2250 words

Chinese History - Assignment Example Chinese wooden construction features one of the fundamental principles characterizing classical Chinese architecture, that is, the use of JIAN module. The latter bears some form of semblance of modular prefabrication concept used in modern architecture. Carpenters in traditional Chinese architecture used this module as a standard unit for construction of all buildings. The JIAN constituted a rectangular space characterized by the repetition of adjoining structural frames. Unlike the Chinese Script modular system, which, although old, can be described as contemporary architecture, Chinese wooden construction is much older. This system has been in existence for multiple millennia (Ledderose 103). A principal similarity, however, lies in the fact that both modular systems make use of repertoire, or repetitive utilization of standard units, in order to develop the whole. Both systems also constitute methods of mass production in the architectural realm, which apply intricate mathematical formulae and codification of measurement systems, to foster efficiency of large-scale construction. The distinctive difference is that Chinese Script is a form of architectural decoration, whereas Chinese wooden construction revolves around the creation of an actual building. In regard to development or creation, the Chinese Script begins with the basic elements or single strokes. These are the simplest units in a series, and constitute the character â€Å"transformation† (hua) and the character â€Å"supreme† (tai). These building blocks grow in complexity from the single stroke level, through the intermediate level, to the complex level featuring complete units of constituent characters. These components, also known as modules, make up interchangeable building units, which can be placed together in various combinations, to eventually create written characters or â€Å"Chinese Script†, which is still evident in modern Chinese buildings (Ledderose 10).